Verbal Abuse against Children Essay Example for Free

Verbal Abuse against Children Essay Verbal abuse is increasingly being recognized for its negative effects (Visaing, Straus, Gelles, Harrop, p. 223-238). Subjecting children to the victimization of their mothers is a severe form of psychological maltreatment. Despite the parents attempts to shield the children from adult violence, most children witness some violence against their mothers and are likely to at least hear the violence (Phillips, Lukens, Casriel, p. 111-121). Hiding in their bedrooms out of fear, the children may hear repeated threats of injury, verbal assaults on their mothers character, objects hurled across the room, suicide attempts, beatings, and threats to kill (Rosenberg, p. 85-89). Such exposure arouses a mixture of intense feelings in the children that include fear that the mother will be killed, guilt that they could not stop the violence, divided loyalties, and anger at the mother for not leaving (James Madison University, Center for Child Abuse Education, p. 114). Even a single episode of violence can produce posttraumatic stress disorder in the children (Stullman, Schoenenberger, Hanks, p. 32). Thus, the father who batters is at risk for emotionally traumatizing the children because he already has a history of doing so. The immediate problems of the children can be divided into two broad categories: (1) internalized problems such as withdrawn or anxious behavior and (2) externalized problems such as aggressive and delinquent behaviors. Some children show both types. In one study three-fourths of the children of battered women exhibited clinically significant behavioral problems, compared with only 13 percent of those in a control group (Jaffe, Wolfe, Wilson, Zak, p. 142-146). The impact on behavior may be greatest for children who are exposed to the most conflict between the parents and are treated punitively. The effects may differ by gender, but the findings are not consistent (for example, Davis Carlson, p. 278-291). The children may also develop hearing, speech, and learning difficulties (Penfold, p. 108-114). Teenage children may turn to alcohol and drug use. The ability of the children to solve social problems is also impaired. The children tend to do poorly on measures testing their understanding of social situations and the thoughts and feelings of others and are less able to deal with an emergency (Jaffe et al. , p. 45). Exposure to violence is likely to teach male children how to be abusive throughout their lives, thus contributing to the intergenerational transmission of violence. Factors That May Affect Risk of Abuse Besides knowing which parent is most at risk for physically or emotionally abusing their children, there may be important factors that raise or lower the level of risk, including parental separation and parents traumas, psychological profiles, and participation in treatment. Parental Separation Many men who batter cling to the marital relationship after separation and continue to harass and physically abuse their partners. Some wives are killed during separation in the context of custody disputes or visitation (Saunders Browne, p. 379-402). An abuser may try to control his partner by having the children act as spies, or he may lash out at the children if he views his partner and children as a single entity and feels vengeful (Chesler, p. 67). Wallerstein and Kellys study of divorced families illustrates how men who batter try to convince the children and the court that their partners are either morally bankrupt or emotionally unfit to continue mothering (pp. 28-29). The children will also be exposed to more violence if either partner is a victim or offender in a new relationship. However, the risk of exposure differs for men and women. It does not seem, as practice lore has it, that battered women are likely to find a new abuser. Pagelow (p. 65) found that only 33 percent of the battered women in her study were in more than one violent relationship. The national norm of all marriages that have experienced violence at some point is about the same-28 percent (Straus, Gelles, Steinmetz, p. 62-64). On the other hand, abusers may have more than a 50 percent chance of battering in a new relationship, with rates ranging from 57 percent to 86 percent in two nonrandom studies (Pagelow, 76). Parents Childhood Traumas Perhaps the most common truism among those trying to determine the potential for child abuse is that being abused as a child is a strong predictor of becoming a child abuser. In the past it was believed that because both battered women and their partners were likely to have been abused in childhood, both have about the same chance of abusing their children. Recent evidence, however, suggests that two pieces of practice lore need to be modified. First, all studies do not find that either battered women or their partners are more likely to have been abused in childhood. Hotaling and Sugarman (p. 101-124) found that four out of 13 studies they reviewed did not confirm the notion that battered women or men who batter were abused in childhood. A more consistent risk marker was for the men to have witnessed violence between parents (14 out of 16 studies). When witnessing violence is combined with being abused in childhood, an especially potent risk factor is created for becoming a woman and child abuser (Straus et al. , p. 68-95). Second, it was also believed that most parents who abuse their children were abused themselves. There is a positive relationship between being abused and becoming an abuser, but the relationship is not as strong as was once thought (Jayaratne, p. 23-43). Kaufman and Zigler (p. 186-198) concluded from their review of studies that about 30 percent of those who were abused as children were likely to become abusers. If a broader definition of abuse is used, as in the national study by Straus (p. 213-234), only 15 percent of those who were frequently abused by their parents abused their own children. Of those who were not abused, 8 percent abused their children. Bowker, Arbitell, and McFerron ( p. 158-175) concluded from their survey of battered women that male dominance and violence against wives, especially marital rape, was a much more important link to child abuse by fathers than the fathers childhood victimization. When there is a link between childhood victimization and later abuse, there is some evidence that it is stronger in men. Miller and Challas (p. 29-43) found that of those who were abused as children, 31 percent of the men and 19 percent of the women were rated as being at high risk for abusing their own children. Parents Psychological Profiles Psychological evaluations are frequently ordered in contested child custody cases, and social workers need to know the strengths and limits of these evaluations. In general, the prediction of dangerous behavior is best made from past violent behavior and not from general personality traits. Wolfe (p. 462-482) concluded from his literature review that underlying personality attributes and traits have been unable to detect any patterns associated with child abuse beyond general descriptions of displeasure in the parental role and stress-related complaints (p. 465). A more relevant indicator of risk for child abuse is the Child Abuse Potential Inventory (Milner, p. 41-54). Men who batter have been shown to score higher on this measure than nonbatterers (Milner Gold, p. 169-172). In custody and visitation evaluations, the measure needs to be supplemented with interview and background data (Saunders, p. 208-235). Evaluations are often complicated by the ability of many of the men who batter to function well while their partners appear pathological (Ayoub, Grace, Paradise, Newberger, p. 191-207). Despite appearances, the men are likely to have longstanding, severe problems such as alcoholism and emotional wounds from childhood traumas. A large proportion has personality disorders. Hotaling and Sugarmans (p. 101-124) review did not find similar chronic problems in battered women. There is evidence that if the women develop psychological problems, they are the direct result of battering. The nonviolent tactics of men who batter are also likely to contribute to the womens emotional turmoil. Many tactics are similar to those used against prisoners of war. The men often isolate the women; blame them for the abuse; falsely accuse them of infidelity; and put labels on them like crazy, stupid, or whore (Walker, p. 34). The men may also make death threats, especially if the women try to leave. When a woman learns that her partner wants custody of the children, her stress can become overwhelming, because her goal in leaving her partner is often to protect the children. Posttraumatic stress disorder and depression are the likely outcomes of such an ordeal. When Rosewater (p. 86-96) administered the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory to a group of battered women, their average profile showed features consistent with borderline personality disorder and schizophrenia. She interpreted the findings, not as a sign of severe psychopathology, but as an indication that battered woman can be severely traumatized by the battering and fear of its recurrence. Therefore, using psychological test scores and courtroom behavior to assess the parenting abilities of battered women must be done with extreme caution. Crites and Coker (p. 9-13) noted that the battered woman may appear in court to be unstable, nervous, inarticulate, or angry because of her ordeal. The author worked on a case in which the judge interpreted a womans attempt to find safety as pathological, stating that she had shown evidence of impulsivity and poor judgment because of her recent precipitous move to another state. Crites and Coker (p. 40-43) noted that therapists as well as judges make such interpretations. Another symptom-flat affect-may also works against the women. Women may develop such an affect to guard against painful memories. Practitioners, attorneys, and judges may mistakenly assume that the womans apparent indifference to danger means that she accepts it, rather than seeing that she is suffering from psychic numbing. A battered womans psychological state can certainly affect her ability to parent. For example, battered womens depression appears to be related to their childrens problems as much as the childrens exposure to violence (Wolfe, Jaffe, Wilson, Zak, p. 657-665). If severe, maternal depression can lead to neglect of the childrens needs. A major goal in assessment is to determine the likelihood that the depression will lift once the woman is safely away from her abuser. Some battered women turn to drug and alcohol abuse to cope with their depression, pain, and fear. The goal of assessment is to determine the prognosis for recovery once she is safe from violence. Drug and alcohol abuse by women makes it easier to see them as bad victims. When drug or alcohol abuse or depression impairs a battered woman, she may be held liable for her partners abuse of the children, an extension of societys stereotype that places mothers in the role of ultimate protector of their children. Just as in cases of father-daughter incest where mothers are sometimes veiwed as complicit, many courts contend that women could have stopped their partners from physically abusing the children (Crites Coker, p. 42). Schechter (cited in Suh, 1989) suggested that victims can put us in touch with our own vulnerability, and some who cant tolerate those feelings find it easier to turn them into anger at the victim (p. 63). Practitioners are not immune from these feelings. They may see the woman as passive, uncooperative, and ambivalent rather than as caught between the fear of battering and the agencys requirements for child protection. An innovative program described by Schechter and Gary (1992) provides advocacy for battered women in a pediatric setting, which is ideal for helping battered women because they often seek help for their children before seeking it for themselves. A peer advocate works with the woman to help keep her and her children safe. Parents Participation in Treatment If interventions could efficiently and effectively reduce the child abuse potential of either or both parents then custody and visitation recommendations could be made based on the completion of treatment or other interventions. Unfortunately, some interventions used with these cases are ineffective or even hazardous for battered women and their children. For example, the unqualified application of family systems theories and mediation models can be risky. Many of these models assume equal power among family members and equal responsibility for causing family problems. Abuse is often seen as arising from poor communication or alcoholism. If divorce counselors use such models, battered women and their children may be placed at greater risk for abuse. The patriarchal structure of the family is supported, and consequently there is an increased risk of woman abuse. Furthermore, if conjoint sessions are used, the mother or children may reveal continued abuse or a desire for the father to leave the family. The family may be left unprotected from the mans rage after the counseling session. Divorce mediators may apply some of these same principles. Walker and Edwall (p. 127-154) concluded that abusive men are unlikely to be able to put their childrens needs ahead of their own. Mediators may believe that they can equalize the power difference, but battered women carry with them a terror that makes them prone to give in. Also, mediation offers no enforcement of agreements, and in many states what is revealed to the mediator is not held in confidence. Some mediators seem to provide more safety because they have separate assessment and mediation sessions (Zemmelman, Steinman, Knoblauch, p. 32-37). Magana and Taylor (p. 50-64) provided special training and protocols for mediators and found that separate sessions and protective measures were more likely in the most violent cases. Out of concern for power and safety issues, some states are now exempting battered women from required mediation. A number of guidelines are available for mediators and judges to help them screen for abuse and decide on a course of action (Crises Coker, 9-13). Innovative treatments to help men who batter end their violence have not been evaluated extensively. Social workers and their clients need to know that recidivism rates after treatment can be fairly high, ranging from about 15 percent to 40 percent more than one year after treatment (Saunders Azar, p. 481-545). In addition, many men leave treatment prematurely even when they are legally mandated to attend. Also, psychological abuse by many of the men is not reduced after treatment (Saunders Azar, p. 481-545). Treatment programs for men who batter usually do not contain material on parent training. However, many methods of anger management for men who batter are the same as those used to help abusing parents (for example, Schinke, Schilling, Barth, Gilchrist, Maxwell, p. 13-26). Thus, men who batter have the potential for transferring the same skills to their parenting role. There is some evidence that the men have lower child abuse potential after treatment. A study by Stacey and Shupe (p. 64) showed a substantial reduction in actual child abuse by men as reported by their partners. Problems with Visitation and Joint Custody Joint custody laws are now in effect in most states to encourage or mandate the sharing of parental responsibilities. Joint custody has many advantages when a woman has adequate financial resources and a partner who is nonabusive and supports her as a parent. However, many practitioners are having second thoughts about joint custody because of financial hardships for women and the risk of renewed trauma to the children (Geffner Pagelow, p. 151-159). Elkin (p. 18-24) listed the types of parents for whom joint custody is appropriate. These parents are committed to making joint custody work out of love for their children, are willing and able to negotiate differences, and are able to separate husband and wife roles from parental roles. These are rarely the characteristics of domestic violence cases. Emery and Wyer (p. 472-480) have contended that joint custody is contraindicated when there has been family violence. Elkin (p. 18-24) listed contraindicating factors that often coexist with wife abusefor example, a history of alcohol or other drug dependency, the parents inability to agree on childrearing, and family disorganization. One problem with joint custody is that battered women may agree to it because they are coerced and do not want to look bad in a sole custody trial. Conclusion Recent legislation reflects the growing reservations about joint custody. Most states now have statutory clauses to take marital violence into account when making custody decisions. It is hoped that such laws will counter the trend that places financial ability and two-parent families as the highest standards in awarding custody. Men who batter are likely to win custody with these standards because they usually have higher incomes and remarry sooner than their ex-partners. Joint custody and visitation allow abusers continued contact with their partners. Supervised visitation may provide important father-child contact that prevents idealization of the absent father. It is ironic that women were once told to fabricate cruel treatment by their spouses to obtain a divorce, yet today, cruelty to women and children is often not believed, especially mothers charges of child abuse in the midst of a custody dispute. Abuse may be revealed only after separation because the mother feels safer reporting it then, or abuse may start in the years immediately following separation because it is a very stressful time. Many battered women face a catch-22; when the abuse spills over to their children, they may seek shelter or flee to another state, yet they may be punished for doing so. One judge stated that a womans extensive contacts with a battered womans shelter meant that her environment was characterized by self-interest and excessive liberalism (Fredericks, 1986, p. 2). Works Cited Ayoub, C. C., Grace, P. F., Paradise, J. E., Newberger, E. H. 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